The Media
Without debate, without criticism, no Administration and no country can succeed... And that is why our press was protected by the First Amendment--the only business in America specifically protected by the Constitution--not primarily to amuse and entertain, not to emphasize the trivial and the sentimental, not to simply "give the public what it wants"--but to inform, to arouse, to reflect, to state our dangers and our opportunities, to indicate our crises and our choices, to lead, mold, educate and sometimes even anger public opinion. - John F. Kennedy
On March 6, 2003, President George W. Bush held his second news conference since assuming office (the first being one month after the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center). The purpose of the press conference was to stress to the nation the threat that Iraq posed to our War on Terror, state the existence of intelligence showing Saddam Hussein was moving his weapons of mass destruction every 12 to 24 hours, and that “diplomacy was in its last phase.” Most questions posed by the media revolved around disagreeing opinions issued by France and Germany on the justification to invade Iraq.
At one point during the conference, a member of the press was called on by the President, and made these comments:
Mr. President, as the nation is at odds over war, with many organizations like the Congressional Black Caucus pushing for continued diplomacy through the U.N., how is your faith guiding you? And what should you tell America? Well, what should America do collectively as you instructed before 9/11? Should it be pray? Because you are saying, "Let's continue the war on terror."
The now historic press conference has since been a focal point for those calling for a more responsible media, consensus being this press conference illuminates a pandering Press Corps too eager to roll over for white house staff. Nearly a year later, at a forum conducted by Townsend University and the University of California, New York Times White House correspondent Elizabeth Bumiller, who attended the 2003 press conference, was asked to respond to statements that the media had lost its direction, had forgotten its role of skeptic in a democracy. Bumiller said:
I think we were very deferential, because in the East Room press conference, it's live. It’s very intense. It's frightening to stand up there. I mean, think about it. You are standing up on prime time live television, asking the president of the United States a question when the country is about to go to war. There was a very serious, somber tone that evening, and I think it made -- and you know, nobody wanted to get into an argument with the President at this very serious time. It had a very heavy feeling of history to it, that press conference.
In only the second press opportunity provided by an administration about to lead us into a war, about to plan and execute the first invasion in the history of the United States, nobody wanted to get into an argument with the President.
The Bush White House has been described as one of the most secretive since Nixon. Not a fan of Washington, or the media, the President and his staff placed great importance on controlling the way information was disseminated through the media to the public. One of the few interviews granted the media was offered to Bob Woodward, of Watergate fame, an Assistant Managing Editor at the Washington Post. Woodward published three books, from 2002 to 2006,
Bush At War, chronicling the days after September 11th,
Plan Of Attack, on the move from Afghanistan to Iraq, and in 2006,
State of Denial.
Public reaction to the first two books was mixed. Many praised what they read as a positive depiction of the President, as a man of belief, and resolve; a problem solver, similar to the image the White House had been trying to convey. Critics of Bush saw Woodward’s books as another compromise of journalism. After all, this is the reporter who, with Carl Bernstein and the Washington Post, took on the Nixon White House, and exposed the Watergate cover-up. The man who once embodied, in many people’s minds, the very essence of the beat reporter, digging for the news, uncovering the truth, not afraid to challenge the White House or even the President himself. Critics felt the books were praising a President that Helen Thomas, a 56 year veteran of White House reporting, was simultaneously calling “The worst President in the history of the United States.” Thomas’s editorial comments and press conference tirades were lauded by many, while critics found her attacks on policy during press briefings inappropriate.
The third book,
State of Denial, was a portrayal of the Bush administration as a secretive, dysfunctional group that has not been forthright with the American people and has mishandled the war in Iraq Liberals rejoice, decrying Woodward’s redemption as a journalist. Conservatives, including the White House, felt betrayed, describing his reporting as “cotton candy,” despite praise of the earlier books.
Woodward’s defense of the trilogy of books was simply that he was reporting the information made available at the time, and didn’t have the information for State of Denial when he was writing the first two books. “I wish I had,” he said. Helen Thomas’s defense of her comments during press briefings is that since retiring from UPI, she was no longer just reporting, but freely speaking her opinion as a columnist.
These examples are presented as very different, yet related, scenarios of how the press functions in today’s politics.
The 2003 press conference shows a media body cowed by the traumatic events of 2001, and the very human emotional reaction. It sheds light on a press corps afraid to challenge a president, with no questions to ask of greater import than “Mr. President, should we pray?” The press was not kind to the White House out of loyalty, or allegiance, the press was afraid to challenge the conventions and ideology of a very charged and idealistic White House. Who dared to be the first to burst the bubble and risk accusation of dissention, in order to ask questions and reveal the truth of are reason for invading a third world country? Very few, and their voices could not be heard over the cheerleading media blinded by patriotism, and perhaps wanting, as much as those who supported going to war, the United States to exact revenge on those who had attacked us.
The polarized reactions to Woodward and Thomas illustrates that politicians and the public are eager to pin the media down to a side, and discover their personal beliefs, as a way of separating fact from fiction. Woodward’s books are suspect, depending on where his partisan loyalties lie, regardless of factual merit. Yet he commented once that he decides who he is going to vote for on the 10 minute walk to the polling station. Are we willing to pinning our determination of truth versus fiction on the labels of Democrat or Republican, and the media’s 10 minute walk to the polling stations? Helen Thomas has gone to lengths to remind us she is no longer simply a reporting. "I censored myself for 50 years when I was a reporter. Now [as a columnist for Hearst] I wake up and ask myself, 'Who do I hate today?'” But the distinction seems lost. The line between reporting and editorializing has been obscured.
Regardless of which side a person falls regarding our invasion of Iraq, and the subsequent ongoing war, few could argue that the media in general has earned the title “Watchdogs of Democracy.” Ask around your neighborhood or workplace, and you will find most people now have a “favorite” news channel, or a most hated news personality (a word once reserved for talk shows). Fox News endures accusations for conservative leanings, and MSNBC and CNN grapple to keep up with Jon Stewart (having been bested several times by the satirical news show, when it comes to exposing the truth). We, the voters, are getting lost in the new partisanship of warring news agencies. And no where is the battle about truth, or fiction, it is about which party we support.
The problem is not the person lucky enough to have a book contract. The problem is not the local correspondent who works into a talk show on Fox, nor the street reporter who becomes editor of a large corporate newspaper. The problem is that we, the public, have no faith we can strip fact from fiction, or see the lie within the truth. We expect our politicians to be corrupt, and our media to tell us what to think through scandal and reality TV shenanigans, and to taint our news with partisan politics. We have grown accustomed to being talked over, or talked down to, and we have accepted it without a fight.